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制高点-第20部分
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NARRATOR： Without property rights； ordinary people in developing countries can't get a loan； a mortgage； or credit。 They are excluded from the capitalist system； and the global market simply passes them by。
旁白：没有财产权，发展中国家的普通人民不能获得贷款、按揭或者信用。他们被隔离在资本主义制度之外，全球市场与他们擦身而过。
HERNANDO DE SOTO： So this is a time of crisis for the cause of capitalism worldwide； because for the moment it has only meant giving the elite of developing countries additional opportunities； and not being able to get down deep； deep into where the real majority interests of people in any developing country are； which is among the poor。
HERNANDO DE SOTO：因此，此时是全球资本主义事业产生危机的时刻，因为，它只能给发展中国家的少数精英提供额外的机遇，而不能给任何发展中国家中的绝大部分人的利益服务。
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Chapter 20： The Bottom End of Globalism ＇4：46＇
第二十章： 全球主义的底端
JEFFREY SACHS： It is an incredible moral problem how to live together with this vast gap in wealth。 It's also an incredible intellectual problem。 It's what development economists such as myself spend all our time thinking about。 Why is the gap so large？ What can be done to help the poorer countries narrow the gap？ It's a very tough question。
JEFFREY SACHS：如何与这种财富的巨大差异共存是一个不可思议的道德问题，同时也是一个不可思议的智力问题。这也是象我这样的发展经济学家毕生思考的问题。为什么贫富差距如此之大？我们能采取什么措施帮助贫穷国家缩小这个差距？这是个非常困难的问题。
NARRATOR： Places like Merelani； in Northern Tanzania； are the bottom end of the global economy。 Miners hunt for gemstones …… tanzanite …… that will eventually sell for over 1；000 per stone。
旁白：坦桑尼亚北部的Merelani等地方是全球经济的最低端。矿工在寻找一种宝石——坦桑黝帘石，每块这样的宝石能卖到1；00美元0。
Some mines are too narrow for grown men to navigate。 Those mines are left to children as young as 10； known as "；snake kids。"； For each stone； they receive less than one dollar。
一些矿井非常狭窄，成年人无法进入，于是，一些被称为“蛇童”的孩子——甚至只有10岁大——承担了进入矿道的工作，他们每采掘到一块宝石的收入不足一美元。
HERNANDO DE SOTO： Oliver Twist has e to town； and he's poor； and he's got a TV set； and he's able to see how you live as pared to how he lives； and he's going to get very angry。 So either you show him a capitalist route to do it and integrate him； or he's going to find another ideology。 And the fact that today there is no more Kremlin that is organizing a revolt doesn't mean that they're not going to find another capital； because when these things happen； when people are unhappy and rebel against a system； they'll find another locus of power very； very quickly。
HERNANDO DE SOTO： Oliver Twist曾经来到城市里，他非常贫穷，但他通过电视能看到你的生活和他的生活有多大的区别，这样他就会非常愤怒。因此，你就要给他指出一条资本主义道路并同化他，否则，他就会选择另一种意识形态。今天的世界上没有组织暴动的所谓“克里姆林宫”并不意味着他们将不能找到另一种首都，因为，当这些情况发生的时候，当人们产生不满并开始反抗一种制度体系的时候，他们会迅速地找到另一个权利所在地。
BILL CLINTON： I'm not one of these people that believes that economics solves all problems； but if people know they're taking care of their children； and if they have a personal interest in maintaining the peace； it's just easier for them to manage life's difficulties。 You know； it's no accident that the Nazi Party arose in Germany。 Everybody who was alive at the time remembers people in the Weimar Republic； after the harsh peace of Versailles after World War I； carrying wheelbarrows full of worthless Marks to the bakery to buy a loaf of bread。 So I don't want to oversell this： It is not sufficient to build a peaceful； free world； but it is absolutely necessary。 What is？ Trade。
BILL CLINTON：我不不相信经济学能解决所有的问题，但是，如果人们意识到他们正在照顾他们的孩子，如果维护和平对他们个人也有好处，那么他们就更容易应付生活中的难题。你知道，纳粹党在德国崛起并非偶然。当时的每一个人都记得：在第一次世界大战后，在凡尔塞取得艰难的和平之后，魏玛共和国的人要带着整车的、毫无价值的马克到面包店买一块面包。所以，我不夸张的说：建立一个和平的世界是不够的，但是绝对必要。还要什么条件呢？那就是贸易。
Onscreen caption： Warwick； England； December 2000
字幕：Warwick，英格兰，2000年12月
NARRATOR： In his final foreign policy address before leaving office； Bill Clinton sought to define the challenges of globalization。 He had e to the presidency saying that free trade would benefit America。 He left arguing it was crucial to maintaining the peace in an interconnected world。
旁白：在离职之前的最后一次外交政策演说中，克林顿试图给全球化的挑战下一个定义。他任职的时候曾说过：自由贸易将使美国受益。在他离职的时候，他宣扬：在这个相互联系的世界里，维护和平是最关键的问题。
BILL CLINTON： First let me say I think it's quite important that we unapologetically reaffirm a conviction that open markets and rule…based trade are necessary； proven engines of economic growth。 Now I know that many people don't believe that； and I know that inequality； as I said in the last few years； has increased in many nations； but the answer is not to abandon the path of expanded trade； but instead to do whatever is necessary to build a new consensus on trade。 And it's easy for me to say …… you can see how successful I was in Seattle at doing that。 No generation has ever had the opportunity that all of us now have to build a global economy that leaves no one behind。 For eight years I have done what I could to lead my country down that path。 I think for the rest of our lives we had all better stay on it。 Thank you very much。
克林顿：首先，我要说，我认为我们以非道歉的方式再次肯定开放市场和以一定规则为基础的贸易是经济增长所必需的、已被证实的动力，这一点非常重要。现在，我知道很多人并不这样认为，我知道，正象我在过去几年之间所说的那样，许多国家的不平等现象都加剧了，但是，这些问题的答案不是摒弃拓展贸易的道路，而是做采取一切必要行动来达成有关贸易的新共识。我说这些很容易——但是你可以看到我在西雅图会议上努力这样做的结果。我们拥有前所未有的机遇来构建这样一个全球经济——不让任何一个人落在后面。八年以来，我竭尽所能，领导我的国家沿着这条道路前进，我想，在我们生命所剩余的时间里，我们最好还能保持这个方向。非常感谢大家。
Chapter 21： Changing of the Guard ＇3：04＇
第二十一章：守护的变化
NARRATOR： Washington's free…trade agenda passed seamlessly from the Clinton to the Bush administration。
旁白：华盛顿的自由贸易日程从克林顿政府到布什政府间实现了完美的交接。
GEORGE W。 BUSH： Conquering poverty creates new customers。 What some call globalization is in fact the triumph of human liberty stretching across national borders； and it holds the promise of delivering billions of the world's citizens from disease and hunger and want。
布什：战胜贫穷产生了新的消费者。所谓的全球化是超越国界的人类自由的延伸，它使全球数十亿的人摆脱了疾病、饥饿和需求短缺。
RICHARD CHENEY： At this stage I don't find in my travels around the country or even around the world that there is widespread opposition to the basic fundamental trends that have been there for the last 40 or 50 years。 Millions of people a day are better off than they would have been without those trends and development； without globalization； without the developments of the increased international merce； and that's all of the good。 And very few people have been harmed by it。
RICHARD CHENEY：今天，当我在全国甚至是全世界旅行时，我没有发现对存在了40或50年的基本趋势的广泛反对。没有这些趋势和发展、没有全球化、没有日益增加的国际贸易的发展以及没有这一切有益的事情，成百万的人们不能生活得象现在这样好。而且几乎没有人被这种趋势所伤害。
Onscreen caption： San Cristobal； Mexico； February 2001
银幕上得标题：San Cristobal，墨西哥，2001年2月
NARRATOR： On his first foreign trip； President Bush came to Mexico。 His friend Vicente Fox wanted to use the global market to relieve his nation's endemic poverty。
旁白：就任后的第一次出访，布什总统访问了墨西哥。他的朋友Vicente Fox希望全球化能缓解墨西哥的贫穷。
VICENTE FOX： Mexico has been one of the losers of the 20th century。 We tried many different alternatives to development； and unfortunately we have 40 percent of the population poor； we have a per capita ine that is extremely low。 It is the same per capita ine we had 25 years ago； so we must change things。
VICENTE FOX：墨西哥是20世纪的失败者。我们虽然尝试了各种办法来发展经济，但不幸的是我们仍然有40％的贫困人口，以及极低的人均国民收入。
NARRATOR： Presidents Bush and Fox hoped to expand the North American Free Trade Agreement to the entire Western Hemisphere。
旁白：布什总统和Fox希望把北美自由贸易协定扩展到整个西半球。
VICENTE FOX： Now we want to go further。 I'm taking about a NAFTA…plus； a NAFTA that takes us to a further integration。 I've been talking this with President Bush； and fortunately he's seeing it the same way。
VICENTE FOX：现在我们希望能走得更远。我在谈论一个扩张的NAFTA，一个能让我们联系的更紧密的NAFTA。我已经跟布什总统讨论过此事，幸运的是我们有共同的看法。
NARRATOR： But as his foreign minister； Fox chose a leading voice of the left： a onetime friend of Fidel Castro； and critic of global capitalism。
旁白：但是Fox选择了一位左翼的领袖做他的外交部长——他过去的朋友Fidel Castro，一位全球资本主义的批评家。
JORGE CASTANEDA： The left's main issue since the middle of the 19th century has been inequality that acpanies capitalism。 There is probably more inequality pressing against society today than before within rich countries； within poor countries； and between rich countries and poor countries。 So on this score； for example； the left has more of a cause； more of a raison d'etre； than perhaps in any time recently。
JORGE CASTANEDA：自从19世纪中叶以来，左派的主要任务就是反对伴随资本主义而产生的不平等现象。在富裕国家之间、贫困国家之间、以及贫富国家之间，社会也许比以前存在着更多的不平等。因此从这方面来说，左翼近期有更多的动机和政治理由。
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Chapter 22： The Battle Resumed ＇6：38＇
第二十二章： 战斗继续
Onscreen caption： Quebec City； Canada
字幕标题：魁北克市； 加拿大
NARRATOR： Presidents Fox and Bush were set to meet again in Quebec City at a summit for 34 democratically elected presidents from North and South America。 Anti…globalization activists made the summit their next target。
旁白：Fox总统和布什总统计划在魁北克市举行由34个民主选举总统参加的南、北美国家的首脑高峰会上再次进行会晤。反对全球化的激进分子将这次会晤当成他们的下一个目标。
ACTIVIST： No matter what anybody says； there's going to be some kind of property destruction。
激进份子：不管怎么说，将造成财产损失。
ACTIVIST： So far the way the debate has been played out is violence； nonviolence。 But for me that's not the issue。 Our goal is to disrupt the summit as best we can with the largest possible mobilization on the 20th and 21st。
激进份子：现在争论的是暴力还是非暴力。但是对我来说，那不是问题的核心。我们的目标是破坏高峰会，最好是进行一次20世纪和21世纪的最大可能的动员。
Onscreen caption： Summit of the Americas； April 2001
银幕上的标题：美洲高峰论坛，2001年4月
NARRATOR： The summit's agenda was to be trade； poverty； and the new rules of the game。 Organizers sealed off the city center。 As President Bush and other leaders arrived； the demonstrators tried to break through。 Inside the barricades； Mexico's foreign minister was now a part of the system he'd once criticized。
旁白：高峰会的日程是讨论贸易、财产权以及新的游戏规则。组织者封闭了市中心。当布什总统和其他的领导们到来的时候，示威者试图冲破封锁。在路障后面，墨西哥的外长现在是他曾经批评的系统的一部分。
JORGE CASTANEDA： They never mention the Americans。 They said； "；We need leeway to show that we can get results；"； and that's true。
JORGE CASTANEDA：他们从来不提及美国人。他们说，“我们需要努力显示我们能达成一致”，那是对的。
This is my first big summit as foreign minister； and it's fun。 Everybody's here。
这是我作为外交部长参加的第一次高峰会，这很有趣。每个人都在这。
INTERVIEWER： If you were 25 today； where would you be？
采访者：如果你今年25岁，你将站在哪一边？
JORGE CASTANEDA： On the streets。 I would think that's certainly a hell of a lot more fun。
JORGE CASTANEDA：站在街上，我想那将是一次很愉快的狂欢。
NARRATOR： Like Jorge Castaneda； most of the delegates were from developing countries that had embraced globalization。 Casteneda wanted more trade。 He also hoped to narrow the gap between the rich and the poor of the developing world。
旁白：同Jorge Castaneda一样，大多数的代表来自于发展中国家，他们欢迎全球化。Castaneda想要更多的贸易。他同时希望缩小富裕国家和贫穷的发展中国家之间的差距。
JORGE CASTANEDA： The issue that's been ing up constantly in the speeches is that the small countries； the poorer sectors of each society need a special deal； that they cannot just be left out； because if they are； they'll never be brought in。 There is； I would say； a growing consensus on that； but there isn't necessarily a consensus on what to do。
JORGE CASTANEDA：在发言中常常提到的是小国和社会的贫困人群需要特殊的分配，我们不能遗弃他们，因为如果他们被遗弃，他们将永远无法加入主流社会中来。我应当承认，越来越多的人同意这个观点，但人们对如何去做没有一致的意见。
GEORGE W。 BUSH： I'm here to learn and to listen from voices； to those inside this hall and to those outside this hall who want to join us in constructive dialogue。
布什：我到这里来是为了学习和倾听，不仅是这个大厅里的声音，同时也包括大厅外面那些想加入建设性对话的人的声音。
NARRATOR： By now； the street demonstrations had bee a routine feature of major international meetings。 Protest organizers were increasingly sophisticated； using the Internet and other "；tools of globalization"； to try to bring the system down。
NARRATOR：现在，街头的游行示威是主要国际会议的常规景象。抗议组织更加地老练，他们使用互联网和其它国际化的工具来试图破坏这些会议。
GRETCHEN KING： So we travel around the country； and we set up these Web streams wherever there's a minor or a major demonstration。 Wherever people want this to be set up； we'll help them。 If we can provide alternatives； if we can provide criticisms that e from the streets and represent a diversity of people； then I think there's a possibility of success。 And that success would be； you know； burning the free…trade agreement of the Americas； that success would be disbanding the WTO； that success would be removing the power from the top one percent of the world's population。
GRETCHEN KING：我们在全国旅行，在大大小小有示威的地方建立网络。不论哪里的人们需要建立这些网络，我们帮助他们。如果我们可以提供选择、倾听街头的批评、显示人们的不同，那么我们就有可能成功。这样的成功就有可能摧毁美国的自由贸易协定、解散WTO、从只占世界人口1％的富裕人群手中夺取权力。
JORGE CASTANEDA： The protestors； by staking out an extremist position； make a more regulatory position more centrist； and that's fine。 Perhaps that's not what they want； but that's too bad。 You don't always get what you want； and you don't always know who you're working for。 But I do think that the protestors are natural allies of people who believe that there are things that should be done to manage world trade a certain way。
JORGE CASTANEDA：这些抗议者的极端立场使得管制采取了更加中间的立场，那样很好。 也许这并不是他们所想要的，因为他们的要求太激进了。你并不是每次都能得到你所想要的，你并不是每次都知道你为谁工作， 但我认为抗议是相信应当采取一些措施、按照一定方法来管理世界贸易的人们的天然同盟。
NARRATOR： The lasting impact of the protest movement was subtle； but real。 Since Seattle； the terms of the global debate had shifted。
旁白：上一次抗议的影响是微妙的，但确实真实的。自从西雅图会议，全球争论的焦点发生了变化。
NEMAT SHAFIK： In the early days； when the first protests started； I remember feeling very frustrated； because their rhetoric was so abstract。 It was； you know； it was about economic justice； they had no alternative program。 And the more I thought about it； the more I realized that if one looks historically； the role of protest movement isn't to provide solutions； it's their job to be critical； and then it's the job of the insiders； the people in the system； in their response to those protests to e up with new solutions。 And I think that's where we're at now。 And so I do think it's healthy that we have them banging at the gates。
NEMAT SHAFIK：在早期，最早的抗议开始时，在我记忆中的感觉非常失败。因为抗议者的语言非常抽象，抗议的内容是经济公正，并且没有提供其它的备选方案。当我更多地思考这个问题，我更多地认识到，如果从历史的角度来考虑这个问题，抗议运动的角色并不是提供一个解决方案；他们的任务是批评。解决方案是内部人员的工作。系统内的人对回答抗议者的问题，提供新解决方案负有责任。那正是我们现在所做的工作。因此，我认为门口存在抗议者是一件有益的事情。
BILL CLINTON： They care about legitimate problems； but they have the wrong diagnosis。 Their diagnosis is that the global economy has produced all the misery that they're protesting against。 On the other hand； you cannot have a global economy without a global social response； without a global environmental response； without a global security response。 It's just。。。 it's unrealistic to think you can。 And that's basically the next big challenge； is making this interdependent world of ours； on balance； far more positive than negative。 And the extent to which we succeed in doing that will determine whether the 21st century is either marred in its first 50 years by terrorism of all kinds across national borders； and more racial and religious and ethnic strife； and tribal strife in Africa； or whether it bees the most peaceful and prosperous and interesting time the world's ever known。
克林顿：他们关心的是问题的合法性，但他们的诊断是错误的。他们认为全球经济是他们所反对的贫困的根源。从另一方面来说，如果没有一个全球化的社会反应、环境反应和安全反应就不可能有全球化的经济。如果你认为能够，那是不切实际的。下一个大的挑战是如何使这个互相依存的世界在平衡的状况下使其积极的一面超越消极的一面。我们的努力在多大程度上成功将决定，在21世纪我们是在前50年被全球的各式各样的恐怖份子、种族、宗教、种族冲突、非洲的部落冲突所摧毁；还是会变成一个前人没有经历过的更和平、繁荣、更有意义的世界。
。。
Chapter 23： 9/11 ＇4：27＇
第二十三章： “事件”
NARRATOR： In the first decade of the 20th century； the global economy was in many ways as integrated as ours today。 That era of globalization ended in Sarajevo in 1914； when a bullet fired by a terrorist triggered the first world war。 In the aftermath of September 11； it seemed possible that history could repeat itself。
旁白：20世纪的第一个十年，全球经济在许多方面象现在一样密不可分。那个时代的全球化终止于1914年的萨拉热窝事件，一颗恐怖分子的子弹引发了第一次世界大战。 911事件的后果使历史看起来有可能重演。
DANIEL YERGIN： Up until September 11； there was a sense that with the crisis and the risks； that nevertheless this movement towards globalization really was irreversible。 And since then there's a recognition of that you can't turn back the clock； we're not going to abolish e…mail； or puters aren't going to get slower； but things can go in another direction。 Markets do best and work best and deliver what they can do during times of peace。 And if you're not in a time of peace； but you're in some other kind of time； then things won't work as well； and priorities will be elsewhere as well。
DANIEL YERGIN：到911事件为止，虽然有危机和风险，全球化的运动是不可逆转的。911事件以后， 有一种认识认为虽�
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